Late-night meetings in Delhi rarely make for calm politics, and the one that unfolded late evening last week between Union home minister Amit Shah and AIADMK general secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami, or EPS, was no exception. In optics, it was another routine round of koottani (alliance) discussions ahead of the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections. In substance, it revealed how the push for kattuppadu (control) was unsettling the alliance, exposing the deepest fault lines yet in the National Democratic Alliance’s (NDA) attempt to present a credible, unified challenge to the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government led by chief minister MK Stalin.At the heart of the tension lies a demand that goes beyond the usual arithmetic of seat-sharing. The BJP reportedly wants a formal power-sharing assurance from the AIADMK, including at least three cabinet berths if an AIADMK-led NDA were to form the next government.

For Tamil Nadu’s political culture, shaped by decades of Dravidian assertion and a strong emphasis on regional autonomy, such an explicit pre-election claim has few precedents. The reaction within the AIADMK has been wary, if not outright resistant, as the BJP’s clout in the South remains lean.The pre-poll power-sharing deal, however, is only one strand in a much larger and more byzantine political development. With just months to go before the 2026 polls, Tamil Nadu’s political field is unusually crowded and unsettled. The NDA is trying to stitch together a fragmented anti-DMK vote; the DMK is defending its record amid murmurs of alliance unease with the Congress, while actor-turned-politician Vijay has injected a new variable through his fledgling but closely watched Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK). The result is a state on the cusp of a multi-cornered contest, where perception may matter as much as numbers.The BJP’s calculusFor the BJP, Tamil Nadu remains the most challenging large state on the electoral map. Despite steady organisational work over the past decade and a growing vote share, the party has not yet translated presence into power. Its alliance with the AIADMK has therefore always been more than tactical and is seen in Delhi as the primary vehicle for relevance in the southern state. However, the current BJP strategy, curated mainly by Amit Shah, reflects this urgency.

BJP has consistently maintained that merely contesting a limited number of seats as a junior partner no longer serves the long-term interests of the party. The proposal that the BJP and its own allies together contest around 56 of the state’s 234 assembly seats is part of this thinking.More striking, however, is the reported insistence on cabinet representation, a move intended to signal to cadres and voters alike that the BJP is not just supporting an AIADMK government but would be a stakeholder in governance.

This push has coincided with a renewed effort by Shah and the central leadership to rebuild a broader NDA in the state. Former allies and breakaway factions are being courted again, including leaders who left the alliance last year. The BJP believes that consolidating these forces is essential to prevent vote-splitting that could once again hand the DMK an advantage.Yet, this centralised approach has also revived old anxieties. In Tamil Nadu, where electoral narratives are often framed around resistance to “Delhi control”, any perception that the BJP is dictating terms risks becoming a political liability rather than an asset for the AIADMK.Alliance arithmetic vs identity politicsFor the AIADMK, the alliance question is as much about survival as it is about strategy. Since the death of J Jayalalithaa, or Amma as she was popularly known, the party has struggled to regain the dominance it once enjoyed. In the 2016 elections, the AIADMK under Jayalalithaa had emerged victorious with 136 seats.The AIADMK-led alliance, in the 2021 state polls, which were fought in the absence of Amma, won 75 seats, of which the AIADMK itself secured 66, while the DMK-led front swept to power with 159 seats. The verdict underlined both the AIADMK’s residual strength and the scale of the challenge ahead.

After the 2021 assembly defeat, EPS moved decisively to consolidate control over the AIADMK, marginalising rivals and asserting himself as the party’s sole authority. This process effectively pushed out O Panneerselvam (OPS), once a key face of the party and a former chief minister. The EPS–OPS split was not just a leadership clash but a symptom of the AIADMK’s post-Jayalalithaa identity crisis.Palaniswami argued that a single centre of authority was essential for electoral recovery, while Panneerselvam continued to claim legitimacy through loyalty to Jayalalithaa’s legacy and sympathy among sections of the cadre. EPS emerged stronger within the party, but the split narrowed the AIADMK’s social and political reach at a time when it could least afford division.EPS vs OPS dilemma for BJPFor the BJP, this internal fracture has been an enduring source of discomfort. The party has viewed Panneerselvam as more approachable and politically expendable, someone who could be accommodated without threatening the alliance’s structure. Palaniswami, by contrast, has been guarded and transactional, keen to keep both the BJP and expelled leaders at arm’s length to protect his authority and the party’s regional identity. This has left the BJP caught between competing compulsions: it cannot ignore EPS without risking the alliance, but it also hesitates to shut the door on OPS, whose limited yet specific influence could matter in a tight contest. The result has been an uneasy balancing act, one that reflects the BJP’s broader struggle to manage Tamil Nadu politics without appearing overbearing.

Against this backdrop, Palaniswami’s reluctance to commit publicly to power-sharing with the BJP is rooted in political instinct. The AIADMK is also cautious about re-inducting expelled leaders and rival factions like the Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam (AMMK). The AMMK did not win seats but polled enough votes in several regions to dent the AIADMK’s prospects, particularly in the southern and delta districts. This residual vote base, drawn mainly from sections of the Thevar community and AIADMK loyalists disillusioned with the current leadership, makes the AMMK less a kingmaker and more a potential spoiler. For the BJP, bringing Dhinakaran back into the NDA is about preventing further fragmentation of the anti-DMK vote rather than expecting direct seat gains.While the BJP sees figures like O Panneerselvam and TTV Dhinakaran’s AMMK as assets who can consolidate specific caste and regional vote banks, Palaniswami views their return as a threat to internal cohesion and his own authority.

PMK a boon or bane?The re-entry of the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) into the NDA has given the alliance a symbolic boost, but not without complications. Anbumani Ramadoss’s decision to align with the AIADMK-BJP front was meant to strengthen the NDA’s presence in northern Tamil Nadu, where the PMK traditionally draws support from the Vanniyar community. Though this adds social breadth to the coalition at a time when consolidation is critical, the PMK is far from united.

The sharp and public rift between Anbumani and his father, party founder S Ramadoss, has fractured the cadre and weakened the party’s ability to transfer votes as a bloc. Rival claims over leadership and legitimacy have created confusion at the grassroots, blunting what was once the PMK’s core electoral strength.For the NDA, the PMK’s return improves optics but not certainty. Without internal cohesion, the party risks becoming an unreliable ally rather than a decisive force against the DMK in 2026.DMK’s quest to quell anti-incumbencyFor the DMK, the turbulence within the NDA offers both opportunity and warning. The party’s sweeping victory in 2021, when it returned to power after a decade in opposition, was built on a broad coalition that included the Congress and several regional players.

Since then, the government has focused on welfare schemes, social justice narratives, Tamil identity and language. However, incumbency carries its own risks. There are murmurs of unease within the DMK-led alliance, particularly the Congress seeking greater seat shares or a more visible role post the 2024 Lok Sabha elections.While these strains are far from a rupture, they are being closely watched by rivals eager to exploit any cracks. The DMK leadership, which is slowly transitioning from MK Stalin to Udhayanidhi Stalin, is also conscious that a fragmented opposition could paradoxically complicate its task.

A three- or four-cornered contest may lower the winning threshold in individual constituencies, but it also introduces unpredictability. The party’s messaging has therefore doubled down on stability, contrasting its governance record with what it portrays as an unstable and opportunistic opposition camp.The Vijay factor: A promise or perception?Perhaps the most intriguing element in the current churn is the emergence of Vijay as a political actor. His TVK has yet to contest a major election, but its entry has already altered calculations across the spectrum.Vijay’s appeal cuts across age groups, with particular resonance among younger voters and sections disillusioned with established parties.

His carefully calibrated stance, critical of both the BJP and the DMK, positions the TVK as an alternative rather than an adjunct. This has attracted exploratory overtures from leaders sidelined within traditional formations, adding to the sense of flux.At the same time, the TVK’s strengths remain largely potential rather than proven. Organisational depth, booth-level machinery, and the ability to translate popular enthusiasm into votes are tests that only an election can provide. For now, Vijay’s presence serves as a wildcard, expectedly capable of influencing outcomes even if it falls short of forming a government.Between the numbersTamil Nadu’s recent electoral history offers important context. In 2016, the AIADMK won 136 seats with around 41 per cent of the vote, while the DMK secured 98 seats with just under 40 per cent. The narrow margin reflected how small shifts in alliances and turnout can have outsized effects.Five years later, in 2021, the pendulum swung decisively. The DMK-led alliance polled close to 46 per cent and won 159 seats, while the AIADMK alliance’s vote share dipped to around 39 per cent, translating into 75 seats. The BJP, contesting as an ally, won four seats and improved its vote share, but remained dependent on the larger Dravidian partner. These figures highlight two enduring truths. First, alliances matter enormously in Tamil Nadu’s first-past-the-post system. Second, no single party, outside of peak DMK or AIADMK waves, can easily dominate without a broad coalition.The evolving battleAs the state heads towards the 2026 elections, the political picture remains fluid. The BJP is betting that a reconstituted NDA, bolstered by returning allies and clearer power-sharing signals, can present itself as a viable alternative. The AIADMK is trying to balance that partnership with its need to project independence and reassure its core electorate. The DMK is defending its turf while watching for signs of opposition consolidation. And Vijay’s TVK is carving out space in a crowded field, its final impact yet to be measured.What is clear is that Tamil Nadu’s politics is entering a phase where old certainties no longer apply automatically. The familiar binary of DMK versus AIADMK is giving way to a more layered contest, shaped by national ambitions, regional identities, and the aspirations of a new generation of voters.Whether the NDA’s current troubles are a prelude to a stronger, more coherent front, or a symptom of deeper contradictions, will become evident only as alliances crystallise and campaigns take shape. For now, the state watches as negotiations continue behind closed doors, aware that in Tamil Nadu, the path to power is rarely straightforward and often decided as much by perception as by pact.

NEW DELHI: The scourge of “not found suitable” continues. And it’s not limited to appointments of fresh SC/ST candidates.A key parliamentary committee has found that even university teachers from marginalised communities employed for years are being rejected for full-time positions by being called “not found suitable”, again deprecating the practice of using the “NFS” tag to turn down the SC/ST aspirants.The parliamentary committee on welfare of SCs/STs has found “NFS” as a persistent discriminatory practice against dalit and tribal faculty aspirants for the second consecutive report.In the latest report while scrutinising Allahabad University, the panel has gone a step further by making the startling revelation that “NFS” is also being used against experienced teachers. “In certain cases, the committee are given to understand that some of the Assistant Professor belonging to SC/ST who worked for a number of years on ad-hoc basis were not selected at the time of filling of regular vacancies by stating a cliché reply that they are not suitable, and unfit for induction,” the panel, headed by BJP MP Faggan Singh Kulaste, has noted.As a result, the panel has recommended that all vacant reserved faculty positions should be filled in three months. While the direction is in the context of AU, it seems valid for all central universities. Kulaste told TOI, “The ministry of education has assured us that NFS has been removed as a reason for faculty recruitments.”The issue has been part of political discourse in recent months, with Congress leader Rahul Gandhi speaking about it on many occasions and the UGC forming a committee to examine the issue. TOI had reported that the UGC committee is likely to recommend that all “NFS” cases should be reasoned by the universities so that the top commission can suggest correctives.The parliamentary committee has further said that after filling all the existing vacant positions, “no faculty seat of the SC/ST community should remain vacant for more than six months under any circumstance.”The committee observed that inspite of proper eligibility and competence, fully experienced SCs/STs aspirants are rarely inducted as faculty members even at the initial stage. In AU, the panel found that 14 SC/ST candidates were declared as NFS during the last three years.It said NFS is “not a correct picture of the assessment of the SC/ST candidates who are equally bright and deserving,” and it is also used because of the “wrong assessment attitude” of the selection committee. It has urged the university higher-ups to be more positive towards talented and qualified SC/ST candidates.

RCB W vs UPW W Live Score, WPL 2026: Royal Challengers Bengaluru will aim to carry forward the momentum from a spectacular opening-night win when they take on UP Warriorz on Monday at the DY Patil Stadium, Navi Mumbai. RCB’s last-ball victory over defending champions Mumbai Indians showcased Nadine de Klerk’s finishing brilliance, particularly her explosive 6,4,6,4 sequence to chase 18 runs off four deliveries.

While the win highlighted RCB’s resilience, the absence of Ellyse Perry and a delayed comeback from Pooja Vastrakar exposed vulnerabilities in their batting line-up. The fresh opening pairing of Grace Harris and Smriti Mandhana provided early stability, but the middle order came under pressure, underscoring the need for reinforcement in the batting department.

UP Warriorz, on the other hand, will be chasing their first points after a narrow 10-run defeat to Gujarat Giants. The Warriors displayed fighting spirit while chasing a tournament-record 208, largely due to an explosive 78 from Phoebe Litchfield. However, their bowling attack, aside from Sophie Ecclestone’s tidy 2/32, struggled to contain the opposition, conceding over nine runs per over on average.

Both teams enter the match evenly matched, with a 3-3 head-to-head record, and conditions at DY Patil Stadium are expected to favour a high-scoring encounter. RCB may tweak their line-up to strengthen their batting, while UP Warriorz are likely to retain the XI that performed admirably despite their last loss.

Fans can expect a fast-paced, thrilling contest as both sides seek early momentum in the WPL. The battle between RCB’s finishing prowess, led by de Klerk, and UP Warriorz’s explosive batting, spearheaded by Litchfield, could prove decisive in this crucial encounter. With high stakes and an evenly poised rivalry, Monday’s game promises excitement, drama, and plenty of fireworks.

Squads:
UP Warriorz Women Squad: Kiran Navgire, Meg Lanning(c), Phoebe Litchfield, Harleen Deol, Deepti Sharma, Shweta Sehrawat(w), Deandra Dottin, Sophie Ecclestone, Asha Sobhana, Shikha Pandey, Kranti Gaud, Chloe Tryon, Charli Knott, Gongadi Trisha, Shipra Giri, Suman Meena, Simran Shaikh, Pratika Rawal

Royal Challengers Bengaluru Women Squad: Grace Harris, Smriti Mandhana(c), Dayalan Hemalatha, Richa Ghosh(w), Radha Yadav, Nadine de Klerk, Arundhati Reddy, Shreyanka Patil, Prema Rawat, Linsey Smith, Lauren Bell, Pooja Vastrakar, Georgia Voll, Kumar Prathyoosha, Sayali Satghare, Gautami Naik

When US forces moved in on Nicolás Maduro in January 2026, it looked like a dramatic end to a long-running crisis. Venezuela’s strongman was gone, his regime hollowed out, and Donald Trump had his biggest foreign policy victory since returning to the White House. But the real story did not begin in Caracas. It began decades earlier, in South Florida, among a community that never stopped believing history owed it a reckoning. To understand why Venezuela became the target of a full-blown American extraction operation, you have to understand Cuba. And to understand why Cuba still looms so large in US strategy, you have to understand Marco Rubio.

The exile lens

Cuban exile politics in Florida is not simply about one country. It is about a revolution that never ended. Families who fled Fidel Castro’s takeover carried with them a sense of unfinished business. In Miami, the fall of Havana remained a living, emotional project.That mindset shaped an entire political culture. Anti-communism was not a policy preference. It was a moral identity. Every Latin American leftist government was read through the same story: this is how it starts, this is how it ends.Marco Rubio grew up inside that world. His political formation was not shaped by textbooks or diplomatic theory but by stories of a lost homeland, a stolen future and a US that, in exile memory, had failed to finish the job in 1961. Cuba was not history. It was a wound.That wound shaped his worldview.

When Venezuela stopped being Venezuela

When Hugo Chávez came to power in 1998, Cuban exiles saw something they recognised immediately. A populist leader rewriting institutions. A political movement built around class struggle. A rapid alignment with Havana.The details were different, but the pattern was familiar.As Venezuela slid into authoritarianism and economic collapse under Chávez and later Maduro, millions fled. Hundreds of thousands ended up in Florida, folding their own trauma into Miami’s existing exile culture. The Cuban and Venezuelan stories fused into one.To that community, Venezuela was not a separate tragedy. It was Cuba replayed on the mainland.Rubio absorbed this shift as he rose through Florida politics and into the US Senate. Over time, Venezuela became central to his political identity. Maduro was not just another dictator. He was a strategic extension of Havana.That framing turned Venezuela into something larger than itself. It became a front in a long-running ideological war.

From sanctions to strategy

During Trump’s first term, Rubio pushed relentlessly for a hard line against Maduro. Sanctions were tightened. Opposition figures were elevated. But the regime held. The international effort to remove Maduro stalled. What changed in Trump’s second term was not Rubio’s objective. It was his argument.The language of democracy and human rights no longer carried weight in Trump’s White House. So Rubio reframed Venezuela as a security threat. Drug trafficking. Russian influence. Chinese penetration. Criminal networks. The message was simple: this was not about nation-building. This was about protecting US power in its own hemisphere.That logic resonated. Maduro’s removal in 2026 was the result of that shift. It was not presented as a democratic rescue mission. It was presented as a strategic extraction.

The Cuba shadow

In Havana, the message was immediately understood.Venezuela had long been Cuba’s economic lifeline, especially through subsidised oil and security cooperation. Maduro’s fall was not just a blow to Caracas. It was a warning shot at Havana.Trump made the threat explicit, telling Cuba to make a deal or face consequences. Rubio did not need to say much at all. His entire political life had been aimed at that moment.For Cuban exiles, Venezuela’s collapse revived an old belief: if Caracas can fall, Havana must be next.

Policy or personal history

Supporters argue that Rubio’s hard line finally brought clarity to a region that had been left to rot under authoritarian rule. They say Venezuela was not a victim of US ambition but of its own corruption and mismanagement, and that decisive action was long overdue. Critics see something else: a foreign policy shaped less by cold strategy than by inherited memory. In their view, Rubio’s exile lens turns complex societies into symbols, and living nations into stand-ins for a trauma that began in 1959. What is undeniable is that Trump’s Venezuela policy is not just about oil, migration or geopolitics. It is also about history, identity and a political culture forged in loss.Maduro was not removed simply because Venezuela failed. He was removed because, in Marco Rubio’s worldview, Venezuela had become Cuba. And for half a century, that has been the one story he has never stopped trying to finish.

A rain-affected encounter at the Sydney Showground Stadium saw Sydney Thunder register a crucial four-wicket win over Melbourne Renegades via the DLS method in Match 33 of the Big Bash League 2025–26 season. Chasing a revised target after interruptions, the Thunder rode on a blistering late cameo from Chris Green to seal the contest with 28 balls to spare.

Melbourne Renegades post competitive 170 despite mixed innings

Asked to bat first after Thunder skipper opted to bowl, Melbourne Renegades posted a competitive 170 for 8 in their 20 overs. The innings was built on steady starts from Josh Brown and Tim Seifert, who added vital runs at the top. Brown’s aggressive 35 off 25, featuring three fours and as many sixes, set the tempo, while Seifert chipped in with a fluent 29.

The middle order, however, struggled to convert starts into big scores. Jake Fraser-McGurk’s quick 19 off just nine balls provided momentum, but wickets at regular intervals prevented the Renegades from fully capitalising. Mohammad Rizwan anchored briefly with 26, before Hassan Khan played the defining knock of the innings. His 46 off 31 balls, laced with four towering sixes, lifted the Renegades past the 160-run mark and ensured a competitive total.

For the Thunder, Wes Agar and Ryan Hadley were the standout bowlers, picking up two wickets each. David Willey also struck twice, though he proved expensive at the death as the Renegades accelerated in the final overs.

Also READ: BBL|15 – Sam Harper’s electrifying 84 not out steers Melbourne Stars to a commanding win over Melbourne Renegades

Sydney Thunder chase disrupted by rain but Chris Green turns the tide

Sydney Thunder’s reply was frequently halted by rain, resulting in a revised target under DLS. The chase began shakily as early wickets pegged the hosts back, with Matthew Gilkes and Cameron Bancroft falling cheaply. Sam Konstas showed early intent with a brisk 18, while Sam Billings attempted to stabilise the innings with a composed 33.

The real momentum shift came through Nic Maddinson, whose attacking 30 off 17 balls reignited Thunder’s hopes. Yet, just when the game seemed evenly poised, it was Green who changed the complexion entirely. Walking in under pressure, Green unleashed a stunning 34 off just 13 deliveries, smashing three fours and three sixes to swing the DLS equation firmly in Thunder’s favour.

Despite Gurinder Sandhu’s impressive four-wicket haul for the Renegades, the damage was already done. Green’s onslaught ensured the Thunder crossed the revised target at 140 for 6 in just 15.2 overs. Green was deservingly named Player of the Match for his match-defining knock under pressure.

Chris Green’s unbeaten cameo earns him the Player of the Match award against the Melbourne Renegades ⚡#ChrisGreen #BBL15 pic.twitter.com/jet0tZa42u

— CricketTimes.com (@CricketTimesHQ) January 12, 2026

Also WATCH: “Like a 4-year-old…” – David Warner complains to umpire about Pakistan pacer’s bowling in BBL|15

Former Pakistan off-spinner Saeed Ajmal has launched a strong critique of the International Cricket Council, warning that the global governing body risks losing its relevance if it continues to function under what he described as the dominance of the Indian cricket board. Speaking to the media at a public function, Ajmal questioned the ICC’s ability to take independent and impartial decisions in the interest of world cricket. As quoted by PTI, Ajmal said the council’s existence would be pointless if it cannot assert its authority. “If the ICC can’t enforce its decisions on the Indian board then its very existence is unnecessary,” he said.

Ajmal claimed that many Test-playing nations privately share this view but are reluctant to speak openly about it. He argued that the ICC’s agreement with India’s refusal to play in Pakistan, even during global tournaments, exposes the governing body’s lack of control. “There is no logical reason for India not to play in Pakistan but the ICC is helpless because it is dominated by Indians now,” Ajmal alleged. India’s refusal to tour Pakistan is based on security concerns and the Indian government’s decision not to approve bilateral sporting ties between the two countries. As a result, India-Pakistan cricket has been restricted to ICC white-ball events and has taken place only at neutral venues. Relations between the two nations deteriorated further last year following the Pahalgam terror attack, pushing bilateral cricket ties to their lowest point. Ajmal’s remarks come at a time when the ICC is headed by former BCCI secretary Jay Shah, a factor that has often been cited by critics questioning the balance of power within global cricket administration.

NEW DELHI: The Supreme Court on Monday granted the Election Commission of India (ECI) one week to respond to fresh interim pleas filed by two Trinamool Congress (TMC) MPs, alleging “arbitrariness and procedural lapses” in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in the party-run West Bengal.A bench comprising Chief Justice of India (CJI) Surya Kant and Justice Joymalya Bagchi rejected ECI’s request for two weeks and directed it to file a common response to the interim pleas filed by TMC MPs Derek O’Brien and Dola Sen. The bench listed the plea for hearing on January 19.In his plea, O’Brien contended that the ECI is issuing instructions for SIR through “extra-statutory” means such as WhatsApp messages and oral directions during video conferences, instead of formal written orders. Drawing the CJI-led bench’s attention to this, his counsel, senior advocate Kapil Sibal, said such practices compel booth-level officers (BLOs) to act without lawful authorisation.Sibal added that the ECI has introduced a new category of voters termed “logical discrepancies”, under which electors may be issued notices for quasi-judicial hearings on alleged errors in voter details, without any statutory backing.“The draft electoral roll published on December 16, 2025, led to the deletion of 58,20,898 names without notice or personal hearing. Nearly 31,68,424 voters could not be mapped with the 2002 electoral roll and that notices were proposed to be issued to about 1.36 crore electors under the ‘logical discrepancies’ category,” O’Brien’s application stated.The Rajya Sabha MP has sought directions to extend the January 15 deadline for filing claims and objections, restrain the ECI from issuing instructions through informal channels, and declare such instructions illegal. The plea also flagged long queues, unclear documentation requirements, restrictions on party booth-level agents, and hardship to senior citizens, persons with disabilities and medically unwell voters.A separate plea filed by his party and Rajya Sabha colleague Dola Sen similarly challenges the SIR as arbitrary and unconstitutional, warning of wrongful deletion of genuine voters.The West Bengal assembly elections are expected to be held in April–May. The Trinamool Congress, which has been in power since 2011 under chief minister Mamata Banerjee, the party supremo, will be seeking a fourth consecutive term.(With PTI inputs)

Contrary to what tech leaders like Jensen Huang and Eric Schmidt, some Chinese tech leaders are now saying China is unlikely to eclipse the US in the AI race. According to a report by Bloomberg, Justin Lin, head of Alibaba Group Holding Ltd.’s Qwen series of open-source models has said that currently there are less than 20% chances of any Chinese company surpassing US companies like OpenAI and Anthropic. Speaking at a panel at the AGI-Next summit in Beijing, lin said “A massive amount of OpenAI’s compute is dedicated to next-generation research, whereas we are stretched thin — just meeting delivery demands consumes most of our resources.” “It’s an age-old question: does innovation happen in the hands of the rich, or the poor?,” he stated.Lin’s concern was shared by leaders at Tencent Holdings Ltd. and Zhipu AI who were also present at the event. The report quotes Tang Jie, Zhipu’s founder and chief AI scientist, and Yao Shunyu, who recently joined Tencent from OpenAI to lead the AI push for China’s most valuable company. “We just released some open-source models, and some might feel excited, thinking Chinese models have surpassed the US. But the real answer is that the gap may actually be widening,” Tang said as quoted in the Bloomberg report. Core restrictionsChinese leaders cited limited resources and US export controls on chips and lithography equipment as major restrictions that could limit China’s AI growth. Tencent’s Yao Shunyu urged his industry peers to focus on the bottlenecks of next-generation models — such as long-term memory and self-learning. Yang, on the other hand, referred to artificial general intelligence (AGI) stating: “We should represent China to push AGI further for the world”, adding “Meaningless internal competition serves no purpose”. During the summit, the tech leaders also explained where they plan to focus their efforts in the coming year. Yao said he is helping Tencent use AI to create more value for its large user base, such as by connecting the company’s Yuanbao assistant with users’ WeChat chat history.Lin, on the other hand, highlighted Alibaba’s bet on multimodality and real-world agents.