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AHMEDABAD: Amid reactions to the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) election results, Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) national convener Arvind Kejriwal said the BJP’s failure to cross the majority mark showed that people were against the party.Speaking to reporters in Ahmedabad, Kejriwal said, “Despite facilitating such discrepancies, they (BJP) could not touch the majority mark. So, this clearly shows that the public is against them, but they misuse machinery.”Kejriwal, who is on a three-day visit to Gujarat, also targeted the BJP over its long rule in the state. He alleged that the party had damaged governance over the past three decades.
“For the last 30 years, the BJP has been ruling Gujarat. In these 30 years, the BJP pushed Gujarat into a ditch. There is fear and corruption everywhere. They scare and threaten people who raise their voices against them, against injustice; they are jailed. They do corruption openly. Nobody can raise a voice against their corruption,” he said.The AAP leader said his party was gaining support across Gujarat despite limited resources.“People are looking at AAP with great hope. In the last 6-7 months, AAP has been conducting rallies across the entire state of Gujarat. People are turning up in large numbers. We don’t even have money; ours is a poor party. But people are coming to AAP rallies at their own expense…I am here on a 3-day visit. I will speak with volunteers and form a strategy,” he added.Meanwhile, the BJP–Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde faction) alliance emerged as the single largest bloc in the BMC elections, though it fell short of a majority on its own. The Shiv Sena (UBT)–Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) alliance also secured a substantial share of seats and votes across Mumbai.According to official figures released by the State Election Commission and the BMC, the BJP won 89 seats with 11,79,273 votes, accounting for 21.58 per cent of the total votes cast. Among all winning candidates, the BJP’s vote share stood at 45.22 per cent, making it the single largest party in the civic body. Its alliance partner, the Shiv Sena (Shinde faction), won 29 seats with 2,73,326 votes, translating into a five per cent vote share.Together, the BJP–Shiv Sena (Shinde) alliance emerged as the largest bloc in the 227-member civic body.On the other side, the Shiv Sena (UBT), contesting in alliance with the MNS, won 65 seats. The UBT-led Sena polled 7,17,736 votes, or 13.13 per cent of the total votes cast, while the MNS secured six seats with 74,946 votes, amounting to a 1.37 per cent vote share.The Indian National Congress won 24 seats with 2,42,646 votes, representing 4.44 per cent of the total vote share.Among other parties, the All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen won eight seats with 68,072 votes. The Nationalist Congress Party secured three seats, the Samajwadi Party won two, and the NCP (Sharadchandra Pawar) won one seat.Overall, candidates from recognised political parties polled 26,07,612 votes, accounting for 47.72 per cent of the total votes cast. The total number of votes polled stood at 54,64,412, while 11,677 voters opted for NOTA.While Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray sought to consolidate votes around the Marathi language and the revival of the Marathi manoos identity plank, the BJP-led saffron alliance highlighted its development work, including the Metro Aqua Line and the Coastal Road, which helped it gain an edge in the civic polls.
NEW DELHI: Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Sunday praised his party, the Bharatiya Janata Party, saying the country has placed its faith in the BJP for the past one-and-a-half years and that the party has been on a “continuous rise.”Hailing the major victories of the BJP, after a brief setback in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, PM Modi said: “BJP has become the first choice of everyone in the country”.“Recently, elections were held in Bihar and people gave a record mandate to the BJP. Two days ago, municipal corporation election results for major cities in Maharashtra were held. One of the world’s biggest municipal corporations, Mumbai, gave a historic mandate to the BJP, making the party win for the first time… In Kerala municipal elections also, people greatly supported the BJP, and Thiruvananthapuram has a BJP mayor for the first time,” PM Modi was quoted as saying by news agency ANI. Hitting out at the rival Congress, PM accused the party of “handing over Assam‘s land to infiltrators for votes during its rule in the northeastern state”.PM Modi alleged that infiltration kept increasing during the Congress rule in Assam for decades, with illegal immigrants encroaching upon forests, animal corridors and traditional institutions.”The BJP government is protecting Assam’s identity and culture by evicting infiltrators who encroached land,” he said in Assam’s Kaliabor.”Voters trust BJP for good governance and development. In the Bihar polls, people gave the party record votes and seats even after 20 years in power,” he said.PM Modi’s remark comes days after BJP pulled off a massive victory in Mumbai’s BMC elections, wresting power from the ally-turned-rival Uddhav Thackeray.BJP-led Mahayuti crossed the halfway mark of 114 in the 227-member body, but not by much. BJP won 89 seats and Shinde’s Shiv Sena 29 to gain a narrow lead. In effect, the BJP will need Eknath Shinde’s backing for big decisions.The Uddhav-Raj Thackeray combine won 71 seats (Uddhav’s Sena winning 65 and Raj Thackeray’s MNS taking 6), retaining a large chunk of wards in the city’s Marathi heartland but losing out on the control of Asia’s richest civic body.PM Modi laid the foundation stone for the Rs 6,957-crore Kaziranga Elevated Corridor, and virtually flagged off two Amrit Bharat trains in Assam’s Nagaon district.Modi, who arrived here from Guwahati in the final leg of his two-day visit to the state, performed ‘Bhoomi Poojan’ of the Kaziranga project.The corridor is aimed at ensuring safe wildlife movement across the Kaziranga National Park and Tiger Reserve, reduce road accidents on National Highway-715, and boost ecotourism, while generating local employment opportunities, an official said.It forms part of the four-laning of the Kaliabor-Numaligarh section of NH-715, and includes around 34.45 km of elevated wildlife-friendly corridors, along with bypasses at Jakhalabandha and Bokakhat, he said.PM Modi also reviewed a model of the Kaziranga Elevated Corridor.The Prime Minister also virtually flagged off two Amrit Bharat Express trains – Dibrugarh-Gomti Nagar (Lucknow) and Kamakhya-Rohtak.
President Donald Trump’s decision to approve the sale of Nvidia’s powerful H200 artificial intelligence (AI) chips to China has received criticism from lawmakers and former officers who warned that the move may “supercharge” Beijing’s military capabilities. Matt Pottinger, who served as a senior White House Asia advisor during Trump’s first term, criticised the move during a congressional hearing, arguing that the administration is on the “wrong track” and is actively undermining the US goal of winning the AI race.Selling H200s to China “will supercharge Beijing’s military modernization, enhancing capabilities in everything from nuclear weapons to cyber warfare, autonomous drones, biological warfare and intelligence and influence operations,” Pottinger said. “Congress needs to put guardrails in place so that this mistake can’t be repeated,” he added, as per news agency Reuters.
The Trump administration has defended the move, suggesting that by allowing the sale of American chips will discourage Chinese competitors like Huawei from developing their own advanced designs.Pottinger, however, dismissed this logic as a “fantasy”, warning that the H200 would enhance China’s capabilities in “nuclear weapons, cyber warfare, autonomous drones, biological warfare, and intelligence operations.”Congressman Michael McCaul said, “They steal so much intellectual property from this country but we don’t have to sell it to them.”Meanwhile, a spokesperson for Nvidia noted, “America should always want its industry to compete for vetted and approved commercial business, supporting real jobs for real Americans.”
Reuters reported earlier this week that Chinese customs agents have been told that Nvidia’s H200 AI chips are not permitted to enter the country. As per the new regulation, there are several restrictive measures aimed at mitigating security risks. The first is that every chip must be reviewed by a third-party lab to confirm its technical capabilities. Second, China cannot receive more than 50% of the total volume of chips sold to American customers. The third measure is that Nvidia must certify that domestic supply is sufficient before any units are shipped abroad; And finally, Chinese customers must demonstrate “sufficient security procedures” and pledge not to use the hardware for military purposes.
India have not lost a bilateral ODI series at home since March 2019, when Australia overturned a 0-2 deficit to clinch the series 3-2, including the decider in Delhi. That long-standing dominance, however, is now firmly under scrutiny.
For New Zealand, the stakes are just as significant. The Black Caps have toured India for bilateral ODIs since 1989 but have never managed to win a series on Indian soil. Given the balance of this contest and India’s recent vulnerabilities, this represents one of their strongest chances yet to end that drought.
India head coach Gautam Gambhir would be keen to avoid another setback at home during his tenure, which has already seen a few unwanted firsts. Under Gambhir, India have lost five Tests at home and also suffered their first-ever bilateral ODI series defeat in Sri Lanka.
India’s loss in the second ODI at Rajkot was shaped not by a single moment of brilliance but by New Zealand’s grip over the middle overs. Daryl Mitchell’s unbeaten century was a study in measured aggression, particularly against spin — an area where India have shown signs of discomfort in recent times.
Indore, with its short boundaries and flat pitch, offers even less margin for error. On a ground where totals can escalate rapidly beyond 350, lapses in the middle overs can prove decisive.
India’s struggles against spin remain a talking point. Despite their batting depth and power, the side has often found it difficult to rotate strike consistently through the middle phase. Those stalled periods have forced batters into riskier options, disrupting rhythm and momentum.
Will there be a RoKo show?
Much of the attention will be on Rohit Sharma, who has endured a lean run in the series. His ultra-aggressive approach at the top has defined India’s ODI blueprint in recent times, but repeated early exits have brought added pressure.
Virat Kohli, meanwhile, continues to be the axis around which India’s ODI batting revolves. With India’s next 50-over assignment for senior players likely to come in July during the tour of England, fans will be hoping for another decisive RoKo partnership.
Selection balance
The choice between Nitish Kumar Reddy and Ayush Badoni presents a classic trade-off between depth and control. Reddy provides seam-bowling cover, albeit used sparingly, along with late-innings power. Badoni, on the other hand, offers composure and a sounder technique against spin in the middle overs.
The case for including left-arm pacer Arshdeep Singh also strengthens at Indore, where variations often trump raw pace. His ability to swing the new ball, target the stumps and execute yorkers at the death adds a different tactical layer, especially against New Zealand’s largely right-handed batting order.
His presence could also ease the load on India’s spinners by allowing greater reliance on pace-off deliveries, wide yorkers and hard lengths — strategies better suited to the Holkar Stadium surface. The challenge, however, lies in finding space in the XI. Mohammed Siraj’s role with the new ball makes him hard to omit, leaving a spinner or seam-bowling all-rounder as the likely casualty depending on conditions and batting depth.
One area of clarity is KL Rahul’s role. His consistent returns at No. 5 reinforce the value of keeping him there, rather than pushing him down to six, where his ability to manage tempo and rebuild under pressure is reduced.
New Zealand, meanwhile, arrive with clarity and confidence. Mitchell’s dominance, backed by Devon Conway, reflects the Black Caps’ sharp understanding of match-ups and disciplined execution. Their bowlers, despite lacking big names, have relied on variations and hard lengths to good effect on surfaces offering little assistance.
At a venue where bowlers are often reduced to damage control, the contest is likely to be decided as much by decision-making as by skill. For Shubman Gill and his side, the challenge extends beyond winning the series — it is about showing tactical flexibility and situational awareness when pressure is real and margins are thin.
Teams (from):
India: Shubman Gill (c), Yashasvi Jaiswal, Virat Kohli, Rohit Sharma, KL Rahul (wk), Dhruv Jurel (wk), Ravindra Jadeja, Nitish Kumar Reddy, Ayush Badoni, Kuldeep Yadav, Arshdeep Singh, Prasidh Krishna, Mohammed Siraj, Harshit Rana.
New Zealand: Michael Bracewell (c), Devon Conway (wk), Mitchell Hay (wk), Nick Kelly, Henry Nicholls, Will Young, Josh Clarkson, Zak Foulkes, Daryl Mitchell, Glenn Phillips, Adithya Ashok, Kristian Clarke, Kyle Jamieson, Jayden Lennox, Michael Rae.
Spent a fortune on a coffee machine and those exotic beans to replicate that cappuccino you loved overseas? You are not alone. For many rich Indians, the coffee machine on the kitchen counter is no longer just for making a drink, rather it has become a lifestyle statement, as more people are trying to bring the cafe experience they enjoyed overseas, right in their homes.A growing number of young, affluent consumers are spending several lakh rupees on high-end coffee machines, specialty beans and cafe-style equipment to mirror the ambience of European coffee houses. These machines, which offer far more than basic espresso or latte functions, have become objects of prestige. Brands such as Versuni, SMEG and DeLonghi are increasingly being displayed as centrepieces in kitchens and lounges, erasing the line between appliance and art.
From only a few hunderds six years ago, now, almost 20,000 premium coffee machines are estimated to be sold locally, every year, a figure that includes direct imports by companies, ET reported. This does not includes the large number of machines that individuals bring into the country themselves while travelling abroad or order through international e-commerce platforms. With limited availability of high-end brands and models in India, parallel imports continue to rise. Ravi Saxena, founder and chief executive of Wonderchef Home Appliances, links this trend to the rapid spread of neighbourhood cafes across Indian cities. He says this has created strong interest in recreating cafe-quality coffee at home. A trained barista, Saxena sells about 1.4 lakh coffee machines a year, including premium automatic models priced between Rs 60,000 and Rs 90,000. The appetite for premium machines is also visible among frequent international travellers. Gurgaon-based hotelier Rajat Gera placed an order for an SMEG machine in December for Rs 1.3 lakh and is still waiting for it to arrive at Indian ports. “It’s a piece of art that deserves to be placed as a centrepiece in the kitchen or lounge,” he says. The overall coffee machine market in India is valued at Rs 250–300 crore and is growing at more than 15% a year. Total sales across price categories reached about 4.2–4.5 lakh units in the last calendar year, compared with roughly 1.8 lakh units in 2019. While machines priced up to Rs 15,000 continue to dominate volumes, premium models are steadily expanding their share.
For some buyers, the shift is rooted in dissatisfaction with cafe offerings at home. Satyendra Shukla, who runs a boutique investment firm, bought a La Carimali machine for Rs 1.5 lakh two years ago. “I had to struggle for every cup of coffee in India. No cafe could give me coffee I liked. The right texture, temperature or taste seldom came together. Now, my well travelled friends say I make the best coffee. I look after the machine and spend a lot of time sourcing the best beans.” Others are prepared to absorb heavy import costs. Kolkata-based independent professional A Banerjee purchased a Philips machine priced at Rs 57,000 from Amazon UK for Rs 95,000 after accounting for shipping, customs duties and currency conversion. Gulbahar Taurani, chief executive of Versuni India, attributes rising demand to young consumers exploring different beans, flavours, aromas and brewing styles, including coffee mocktails mixed with tonic water. He said the company’s pilot launch of premium models priced up to Rs 80,000 in India has been highly successful. Versuni plans to combine its global technology with adaptations for Indian preferences. While its entire range is currently imported, Taurani has not ruled out domestic manufacturing as volumes grow. Retailers are also reporting strong traction. Coffee machines are among the fastest-moving categories in stores. Vijay Sales sells 400–500 units every month. “Coffee machines have become a lifestyle product. While most of the demand is still in the entry- to mid-segment, premium models are also selling fast. This could become a big category in the next three to four years,” said Nilesh Gupta, director, Vijay Sales. What was once a simple kitchen tool is rapidly turning into a lifestyle statement, as coffee drinkers in the country are investing not just in caffeine, but in culture and cachet at home.
KALYAN: In a rare and emotionally charged moment in Kalyan’s civic politics, newly elected Shiv Sena corporator Vanita Duryodhan Patil chose to dedicate her victory to a party worker who was seriously injured while campaigning for her.After being elected on a Shiv Sena ticket, Vanita Patil accepted her official victory certificate not from an election officer, but from the hands of Tejas Patil, a party worker who is currently undergoing treatment at a private hospital. In a symbolic gesture, she credited both her victory and her own safety to the courage and presence of the injured worker.
The incident that led to Tejas Patil’s injuries occurred on the day of election campaigning on January 13. Tejas was standing near Vanita Patil’s campaign vehicle, holding the party flag, when the flag accidentally came into contact with a high-tension overhead wire. A strong electric current passed through the flag, creating a life-threatening situation. Reacting quickly, Tejas jumped off the vehicle, preventing the electric current from spreading to the vehicle. His swift action ensured that the candidate and several others nearby escaped unharmed.However, Tejas suffered severe injuries in the process, with both his hands badly burnt due to the electric shock. He was immediately shifted to a private hospital, where he continues to receive treatment. Vanita Patil has taken responsibility for all his medical expenses, describing it as her moral duty.Speaking to TOI, Vanita Patil said that Tejas not only saved lives but also embodied the spirit of dedication that defines grassroots politics. “Because of Tejas, our lives were saved. Workers like him are the real reason candidates win elections. That is why I felt it was right to accept my victory letter from his hands,” she said.Vanita Patil contested the Kalyan–Dombivli Municipal Corporation elections from Panel No. 2. The panel saw the victory of three Shiv Sena candidates and one BJP candidate. Her gesture has been widely appreciated within political and civic circles.
Another page was added to India’s political history on Friday, capturing the event that will echo through the corridors of power and serve as a reminder that even a slight strategic misstep can unravel a hold on power built over decades.Having first lost the father-founded Shiv Sena, Uddhav Thackeray has now ceded his last power citadel, the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), a civic fortress once ruled unhindered by Bal Thackeray. In Asia’s richest civic polls, the Thackeray “brand” of politics had one of its key equities missing. Hindutva.
While Uddhav Thackeray never expressed hostility towards Hindutva, even after aligning with the Congress and Sharad Pawar’s NCP, he struggled to step into his father’s shoes in carrying the ideological banner, which Eknath Shinde wore on his sleeve after splitting the party in the 2023 rebellion.By contrast, Uddhav’s attempt to reset the party’s ideological compass by leaning heavily on Marathi manoos and regional pride, and to give it momentum by aligning with his estranged cousin Raj Thackeray, ultimately ended in a damp squib.Marathi asmita: ApuriThe Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray) and Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine had framed the BMC polls as a battle to “save the Marathi manoos” and Mumbai, projecting the contest as both an assertion of regional pride and a referendum on the Thackeray legacy.The reunion of Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray after nearly two decades was billed as an acid test for the Thackeray brand.
Shiv Sena (UBT) Chief Uddhav Thackeray and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief Raj Thackeray with other party members during a joint BMC Election Campaign Rally, in Mumbai. (ANI photo)
While sections of the Marathi electorate did rally behind the cousins, the consolidation fell short of what was required to retain control of the civic body.The ‘save Marathis’ narrative appeared to have a limited electoral pull. The combine managed to hold on to pockets of south and central Mumbai and parts of the western and eastern suburbs, including Dadar-Mahim, Worli, Dindoshi, Bhandup, Vikhroli and Bandra East.However, it failed to make inroads into BJP-dominated constituencies such as Colaba, Bandra West, Andheri West, Borivli, and Dahisar. Political observers noted that a significant section of the city’s upwardly mobile Maharashtrian voters, particularly in the western suburbs, gravitated towards the BJP.
BJP workers celebrating outside party office in Mumbai after the massive victory in the BMC polls.
The underperformance of Shiv Sena (UBT) was compounded by the MNS’s poor showing. The MNS ended up in single digits, dragging down the overall Thackeray tally and underlining the limits of the reunion’s electoral impact.In September, Uddhav Thackeray himself had described the BMC election as a decisive test. Sena (UBT) contested 163 seats, the MNS 53, while the BJP fielded candidates in 137 wards and Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena in 90.
BMC seat share of political parties
BJP-led Mahayuti crossed the halfway mark of 114 in the 227-member body, but not by much. BJP won 89 seats and Shinde’s Shiv Sena 29 to gain a narrow lead. In effect, the BJP will need Eknath Shinde’s backing for big decisions.The Uddhav-Raj Thackeray combine won 71 seats (Uddhav’s Sena winning 65 and Raj Thackeray’s MNS taking 6), retaining a large chunk of wards in the city’s Marathi heartland.Although Sena (UBT) did receive backing from Muslim voters, with two candidates from the community winning, the support was far weaker than in the 2024 Lok Sabha and assembly elections, largely because the Congress was no longer part of the alliance.
BJP tops strike rate
Thackeray’s pivot to HindutvaWhen Bal Thackeray founded the Shiv Sena in 1966, the party was not conceived as a Hindutva platform. Its political grammar was rooted firmly in Marathi identity and regional assertion. The Sena positioned itself as the voice of the Marathi manoos in an increasingly cosmopolitan Bombay, railing against perceived economic and cultural marginalisation.
Shiv Sena Chief Balasaheb Thackeray addressing a Dussera meeting at Shivaji Park in Bombay on October 12, 1986. (Photo: Times content)
Its early campaigns focused on securing jobs for locals, resisting the dominance of South Indian migrants in the city’s clerical and industrial workforce, and asserting linguistic and cultural primacy. Hindu nationalism, at this stage, was peripheral rather than foundational.This began to change as India’s political landscape evolved in the late 1970s and 1980s. The slow erosion of Congress dominance, coupled with the rise of the BJP, altered the ideological marketplace. The mobilisation around the Ram Janmabhoomi movement created space for a more assertive Hindu political identity, particularly in urban centres. Bal Thackeray, a keen reader of political mood and mass sentiment, consciously pivoted to occupy this space.
Hindutva stalwarts (from left) Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Balasaheb Thackeray, Lal Krishna Advani and Vijayaraje Scindia at a dinner hosted by the Maharashtra state unit of Bharatiya Janata Party on Septemebr 24, 1989 in Bombay. (Photo: Times content)
By the early 1990s, especially during the period surrounding the Babri Masjid movement, Hindutva had moved from the margins to the centre of the Sena’s politics. The party formally aligned with the BJP, and Bal Thackeray emerged as one of the most unapologetic and influential mass leaders of the Hindutva movement. Crucially, he did not abandon Marathi identity in this shift; instead, he layered Hindutva over Marathi asmita, fusing the two into a single, emotionally charged political narrative.This fusion proved potent. It gave the Shiv Sena ideological clarity, street-level mobilisation, and cross-community appeal within Mumbai’s Hindu electorate. Bal Thackeray did not inherit Hindutva as a founding principle; he evolved into it. His political success lay in recognising that Marathi pride alone had limits, and that when combined with Hindutva, it could be transformed into a durable and expansive political brand.Thackeray’s devolution from HindutvaUnlike his father, Uddhav Thackeray did not abandon Hindutva in one decisive moment. His departure was incremental and tactical, shaped more by political compulsion than ideological conviction. For much of his early political career, Uddhav remained within the broad Hindutva framework laid down by Bal Thackeray, often projecting himself as a custodian rather than an innovator of the Sena’s legacy.The first visible shift came after the 2019 Maharashtra assembly elections, when Uddhav broke with the BJP and stitched together an “unlikely alliance” with the Congress and the NCP. The formation of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) government required ideological accommodation, and Hindutva, once the Sena’s most assertive plank, was deliberately softened. The rhetoric gave way to the language of governance, secular inclusivity and constitutionalism, signalling a recalibration rather than an outright rejection.
Shiv Sena (UBT) chief Uddhav Thackeray with NCP-SP chief Sharad Pawar, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi during the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) meeting in Mumbai, 2023. (ANI)
This softening deepened during Uddhav’s tenure as chief minister. While he never publicly disowned Hindutva, he also stopped aggressively articulating it. Temple politics, street mobilisation, and confrontational cultural messaging, hallmarks of Bal Thackeray’s style, were conspicuously absent. Instead, Uddhav leaned into administrative legitimacy and coalition management, seeking to broaden the Sena’s appeal beyond its traditional base.However, this ideological dilution created a vacuum. The Sena’s core voters, long accustomed to ideological clarity, were left uncertain about what the party stood for. That ambiguity proved costly when Eknath Shinde split the party and openly reclaimed Hindutva as its defining identity. By positioning himself as the inheritor of Bal Thackeray’s ideological legacy, Shinde offered continuity at a moment when Uddhav appeared to be reimagining the Sena without fully replacing its ideological core.In the end, Uddhav’s deviation from Hindutva was not about renunciation but about subtraction without substitution. And in a political ecosystem built on legacy and emotional mobilisation, that proved to be a strategic miscalculation.The Thackeray reunionThe reunion of Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray ahead of the BMC polls was less a moment of sentiment and more an act of political necessity. For nearly two decades, the Thackeray cousins had travelled divergent paths, divided by personal rivalry and competing claims over the Marathi political space. But the BMC election altered the calculus. Having lost the Shiv Sena and facing a weakened organisational base, Uddhav Thackeray needed a fresh axis of mobilisation. Raj Thackeray, struggling with electoral irrelevance and a shrinking footprint, needed relevance. The reunion was thus driven by a convergence of weakness rather than shared resurgence.Together, they sought to revive the original Thackeray “brand of politics” that included Marathi manoos, regional pride, and cultural ownership of Mumbai. The pitch was deliberately crafted to bypass Hindutva and instead reclaim the emotional terrain of Marathi asmita, projecting the BMC polls as a fight to “save Mumbai” and protect Maharashtrian interests. The symbolism of the cousins sharing a platform after 20 years was meant to signal unity, closure, and a consolidated Marathi vote bank.
BMC elections in numbers
Both the Thackerays, recalling the 1961 Samyukta Maharashtra movement in which their grandfather, late Prabodhankar Thackeray, participated, claimed that the BJP was planning to separate Mumbai from Maharashtra and merge it with Gujarat.Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, who led the BJP’s campaign, refuted the charge. Speaking in Nashik on January 11 and then again at Shivtirth in Mumbai the next day, Fadnavis made it a point to repeatedly refute these claims and ensured that Thackerays’ Mumbai and Marathi “asmita” (pride) and “astitva” (existence) card does not stick this time around.Thackerays’ arguments about growing unemployment and neglect of “son-of the soils” were counter-punched with a “Global Mumbai” narrative by Fadnavis. Also, BJP fielded over 90 Marathi candidates for the BMC and announced that the next mayor of BMC will be Marathi.The ‘pungi-bajao’ politicsThe Thackerays’ push for regional identity turned so intense that Thackeray mockingly referred to the BJP leader K Annamalai as “rasmalai” and questioned his standing to speak on issues related to Mumbai. Thackeray attacked Annamalai for suggesting that Mumbai is an “international city”. He also referred to his uncle Bal Thackeray’s “Hatao lungi, bajao pungi” slogan from the 1960s and 1970s.“One rasmalai came from Tamil Nadu… what is your connection to here? Hatao lungi, bajao pungi,” Thackeray said at a joint UBT–MNS rally in Mumbai.
Raj Thackeray’s remark on K Annamalai
Additionally, Thackeray also said that he would “kick” people from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh out of Maharashtra if they “try to impose Hindi”.In July last year, the Thackeray brothers held an “Awaz Marathicha” rally to oppose what they called the state government’s bid to “impose” Hindi over Maharashtra.“We have come together to stay together”, Uddhav Thackeray said while addressing the gathering.Raj Thackeray launched a veiled attack on Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and said the CM did what even Balasaheb Thackeray could not — bring the two estranged brothers together.Thackerays also shared a hug at the joint rally after the Maharashtra government scrapped two Government Resolutions (GRs) to introduce Hindi as the third language.“The Maharashtra Government rolled back the decision on the three-language formula due to the strong unity shown by Marathi people. This decision was a precursor to the plan of separating Mumbai from Maharashtra,” the MNS chief said with Uddhav seated on the stage.Attacking the BJP-led Mahayuti during his address, Raj Thackeray said: “How did they suddenly bring in the imposition of Hindi without any discussion? For what purpose, and for whom? This is an injustice to young children. Without any consultation, you’re trying to force it upon us. You may rule the assembly – but we rule the streets.”However, the reunion came with structural limits. While it generated attention and nostalgia, it failed to translate into a city-wide electoral wave.
Poll results in Mumbai and MMR
The limits of legacyThe BMC verdict laid bare the limits of legacy politics in a city that has steadily changed its political expectations. The Thackerays managed to revive old memories and emotional connect through unity, rallies and a renewed push for Marathi identity, but nostalgia alone could not compensate for the absence of a clear and contemporary ideological anchor. Mumbai’s electorate has grown more aspirational and diverse, and it appears less willing to rally behind a single, narrow identity pitch.
What went against Thackerays
For Uddhav Thackeray, the defeat completed a slow political unravelling, from losing the father-founded Shiv Sena to ceding control of the civic institution that once symbolised Bal Thackeray’s unquestioned authority. For Raj Thackeray, the outcome reinforced the challenge of converting sharp rhetoric into electoral relevance. Their reunion sent a message of solidarity, but solidarity without organisational depth and ideological clarity fell short.Ultimately, the BMC result was not merely about seats or numbers. It signalled a deeper shift in Mumbai’s politics, where legacy and sentiment must now contend with a demand for sharper purpose and direction.
NEW DELHI: Delhi cricketer Ayush Badoni feels that taking up bowling a couple of years ago proved to be a turning point in his career, helping him evolve into an all-rounder and earn his maiden India call-up. The 26-year-old was added to India’s ODI squad for the ongoing three-match series against New Zealand after Washington Sundar was ruled out with an injury following the opening ODI.The series is currently locked at 1-1, with the decider scheduled to be played at the Holkar Stadium in Indore on Sunday. While Badoni did not feature in the playing XI for the second ODI, which India lost, he will be hopeful of getting an opportunity, especially given his recent form, to make an impact at the international level.
“I was with the Delhi team, I was captain there and our next day match was the quarter-finals against Vidarbha. That’s when I got to know about it. Priyansh was my roommate, so I told him that this could happen and I’ll be going, so maybe you’ll be the captain. That was a great feeling and I feel very grateful and happy that I got this opportunity,” Badoni said while speaking about his selection in a video shared by bcci.tv.Sharing how his family and close friends found out about the call-up, Badoni said, “I got a call late at night, so I couldn’t tell them. It was announced in the morning, that’s when they got to know and they were also very happy and proud. All the coaches and the players were very welcoming to me and I really liked it. I’ve played with and against most of them so it was nice to meet everyone again.”Badoni also spoke about how expanding his skill set over the past two years played a key role in his selection. “Preparation was very clear. Earlier, I used to bat, but since the last two years, I’ve been focusing a lot on my bowling. I always feel that I can take wickets and contribute to the team with my bowling. So I got the benefit of being an all-rounder. I’ve bowled a lot for Delhi, taken wickets, and benefited from it.”Reflecting on sharing the dressing room with senior players, Badoni said he has previously played with or against many of them in domestic and franchise cricket and tries to absorb as much as possible from their experience.“A lot of the seniors in our team are legends in a way so I try to learn from them when I bat or bowl. I feel that it enhances my game and I just try to learn as much as I can. There are a lot of players with whom I have fun and have a good time. I’ve known Harshit because he plays for Delhi. I’ve a lot of fun with Arshdeep and Shreyas too. It’s a lot of fun to be with them,” Badoni concluded.
The three-match ODI series moves to the Holkar Cricket Stadium in Indore for the 3rd and final ODI, with the series level at 1-1 after New Zealand’s dominant win in Rajkot. This high-scoring venue is famous for its flat tracks, lightning-fast outfields, and short boundaries, promising a run-fest compared to the two-paced surface in the previous game.
Historically, the ground is a batting paradise, with average first-innings scores often exceeding 300, while India once posted a massive 418/5 here. The pitch is known to offer true bounce and consistent carry, making it one of the best surfaces in India for strokeplay. While pacers may find slight swing with the new ball initially, the small dimensions (square boundaries approx. 65–70 meters) offer little protection for bowlers once batters are set.
The match on Sunday, January 18, 2026, is expected to be played in pleasant winter conditions with temperatures ranging between a maximum of 27°C during the day and a minimum of 11°C during the night as per AccuWeather. Current forecasts predict clear, sunny skies with a 0% chance of rain, ensuring no interruptions for the series decider. The afternoon will be bright, but as the sun sets, a slight chill will develop, combined with a humidity level of approximately 52%.
The sharp drop in temperature from day to evening in Indore’s January climate typically leads to significant dew build-up. This dew is expected to be a major factor in the second innings, making the ball wet and extremely difficult for bowlers, especially spinners, to grip and control. The slick ball will likely skid off the surface, further aiding the chasing side by allowing batters to hit through the line with ease on an already fast outfield, effectively neutralizing any lateral movement or turn.
Also READ: IND vs NZ: Pitch Report for 3rd ODI, Holkar Cricket Stadium Stats and Records
Captains will likely choose to bowl first upon winning the toss for these key reasons:
Also READ: 3 reasons why Shreyas Iyer’s selection for the IND vs NZ T20I series makes perfect sense
